Between 1866 and 1875, Congress passed several civil rights acts
to implement the 13th and 14th amendments. One was the Civil Rights
Act of 1875, which imposed various criminal penalties against private
businesses that practiced racial discrimination. Penalties were
imposed on any owner of a public establishment or conveyance who
practiced racial discrimination in the conduct of his or her
business. Many Northerners and Southerners opposed to Reconstruction
saw the law as an infringement of personal freedom of choice.
By the 1870s, various white supremacist groups, including the Ku
Klux Klan, were using both nonviolent and violent means throughout the
South to influence politics and intimidate African Americans. In 1877,
when withdrawal of federal troops brought the Reconstruction period to
a close, Southern legislatures began to pass laws and establish
practices which created separate societies for whites and African
Americans.
Circumstances of the Case
A number of cases involving application of the federal law were
collected in this case and presented to the Supreme Court during the
term 1882-1883. African-American citizens protested their exclusion
from a hotel dining room in Topeka, Kansas; from the opera in New York
City; from the better seats of a San Francisco theater; and from a car
set aside for ladies on a train.
The case examined the constitutionality of the Civil Rights Act
of 1875 in light of the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th
Amendment. Did the Act of 1875 violate the Constitution? Was the
conduct of business by a private person subject to the Equal
Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment? Did the amendment prohibit
State governments from discriminating, but permit
private persons to discriminate under “freedom of choice”
(that is, “We reserve the right to refuse service to
anyone”)? What protections did the 13th and 14th amendments
provide for citizens?
For eliminating private
segregation: The Civil Rights Act of 1875 was
constitutional. The 13th and 14th amendments were clearly intended to
“remove the last vestiges of slavery” from America. To
permit private discrimination would be to “permit the badges and
incidents of slavery” to linger in the South. The Federal
Government had the authority to protect citizens from private and
State actions that deprived them of their rights.
For private segregation: The
intent and purpose of the 14th Amendment was to prevent discrimination
in any form by the State governments. The amendment declares,
“…nor shall any State deprive citizens of life, liberty or
property without due process of law, nor deny any person within its
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws….” This is clearly
and precisely not a limit on
private action. It speaks to State action
only. The Civil Rights Act was, therefore, unconstitutional and
interfered with the private rights of citizens to use, manage, and
protect their businesses and property. Private citizens have a right
to decide the conditions under which they operate their
businesses. Outside interference (that is, federal intervention) would
amount to tyranny.
The 8-1 decision of the Court was delivered by Justice Joseph
P. Bradley, with John Marshall Harlan of Kentucky alone in
dissent. The Court decided that the Civil Rights Act of 1875 was
unconstitutional. Neither the 13th nor the 14th amendment empowers the
Congress to legislate in matters of racial discrimination in the
private sector, Bradley wrote. “The 13th Amendment has respect,
not to distinctions of race…but to slavery.…” The 14th
Amendment, he continued, applied to State, not private, actions;
furthermore, the abridgment of rights presented in this case are to be
considered as “ordinary civil injur[ies]” rather than the
imposition of badges of slavery.
Bradley commented that “individual invasion of individual
rights is not the subject-matter of the [14th] Amendment. It has a
deeper and broader scope. It nullifies and makes void all state
legislation, and state action of every kind, which impairs the
privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States, or which
injures them in life, liberty or property without due process of law,
or which denies to any of them the equal protection of the
laws.” Therefore, the Court limited the impact of the Equal
Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.
Segregation by race in the private sector was given tacit
approval by the Court. “Whites only” signs had begun to
appear across the South by this time, and in the North as well. This
decision was one of several which gave legal standing to efforts
intended to return to the social order of pre-Civil War days. The
major decision on segregation in America came 13 years later in
Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896,
when the “separate but equal” doctrine was seen as
providing “equal protection of the laws” to African
Americans. Justice Harlan, the lone dissenter in the Civil
Rights Cases, as he was to be later on
Plessy, made a point in the latter case whose
echo is still heard today: “The Constitution is color-blind: it
neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens.” Seventy-one
years would pass after his first dissent, however, before a majority
of the Supreme Court embraced Harlan's interpretation.
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