Since the Supreme Court's decision in Roe
v. Wade, the legal, moral, and political
controversy surrounding the abortion issue has polarized the American
public. Two camps—one hailing Roe as a
victory for “choice,” the other arguing that the decision
deprives the unborn child of its “right to
life”—squared off in the wake of the Court's
decision. Their protracted political battle continues today. The deep
political divisions that the case created, or revealed, reflect not
only conflicting social and moral views, but conflicting views of the
law as well. The case pitted two accepted doctrines against one
another—the individual's “right to privacy” and the
“compelling and overriding interest” of a
State. Roe v. Wade sought an
extension of the “right to privacy,” which the Court
explicitly recognized for the first time in the case
Griswold v. Connecticut,
1965. In that case, family counselors in Connecticut challenged a
State law forbidding the use of “any drug, medicinal article or
instrument for the purpose of preventing conception.” In
Griswold, the Court decided that there was a
“right of privacy” implied by the Bill of Rights. It ruled
that the 1st, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 9th, and 14th Amendments together create
a right of “marital privacy.”
Circumstances of the Case
In Texas, State law prohibited the termination of a pregnancy by
artificial means (surgery) except when the life of the mother was in
danger. The statute was construed as a “nearly complete ban on
abortion.” A Texas woman, claiming privacy as a
“fundamental right,” challenged the Texas statute. In 1971
the case was argued before the Supreme Court. In 1972 it was argued
again. Roe and a companion case from Georgia,
Doe v. Bolton, were the
first cases to test, in the Court, the newly recognized “right
of privacy” against the “compelling interest” of the
States to regulate abortions.
This case involved the right of privacy as implied by Amendments
1, 3, 4, 5, 9, and 14 versus the police power of the States. Did
States have a compelling and overriding interest in regulating the
health, safety, and morals of the community? Was there an area of
personal, marital, familial, and sexual privacy protected by the Bill
of Rights? Was the Texas law an unreasonable invasion of privacy, or
was it a reasonable exercise of the police power? Were women permitted
to terminate pregnancies “at will,” or were fetuses
“persons” with rights to be protected by the State?
For Roe: Under the Bill of
Rights, a woman has the right to terminate her pregnancy. It is
improper for a State to deny individuals the personal, marital,
familial, and sexual right to privacy. Moreover, in no case in its
history has the Court declared that a fetus—a developing infant
in the womb—is a person. Therefore, the fetus cannot be said to
have any legal “right to life.” Because it is unduly
intrusive, the Texas law is unconstitutional and should be
overturned.
For Wade: The State has a duty
to protect prenatal life. Life is present at the moment of
conception. The unborn are people, and as such are entitled to
protection under the Constitution. The Texas law is a valid exercise
of police powers reserved to the States in order to protect the health
and safety of citizens, including the unborn. The law is
constitutional and should be upheld.
By a vote of 7-2, with Justices White and Rehnquist in dissent,
the Court agreed with Roe and upheld her right to terminate a
pregnancy in the first trimester (90 days). The Court observed that
Section 1 of the 14th Amendment contained three references to
“person.” In his majority opinion, Justice Blackmun noted
that, for nearly all such references in the Constitution, “use
of the word is such that it has application only postnatally. None
indicates, with any assurance, that it has any possible prenatal
application.”
Blackmun's opinion carefully steered between the right to
privacy and the question of compelling State interest. On the first
point, he wrote, the majority of the justices “do not
agree” with Texas that the State “may override the rights
of the pregnant woman that are at stake.” On the other hand, the
State does have an “important and legitimate interest in
protecting the potentiality of human life” and in protecting the
mother's health. Blackmun's decision revolved around the development
of the fetus during pregnancy. He held that during the first
trimester, or three months, of a pregnancy, the woman in consultation
with her physician had an unrestricted right to an abortion. During
the second trimester, States could regulate abortion to protect a
woman's health. Finally, during the third trimester, the State's
interest in protecting the potential life of the fetus was sufficient
to justify severe restrictions.
Approaching the matter of when life begins, Blackmun was clearly
hesitant to commit the Court to any position.
Controversial when announced, the Roe
decision remains at the center of the legal controversy over the right
to privacy versus the rights of the unborn. In Planned
Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania
v. Casey, 1992, the Court reaffirmed
Roe's central holding but abandoned its trimester
structure. The Court permitted States to require informed consent, a
24-hour waiting period, and/or parental notification, but held that
States may not place an “undue burden”on a woman's right
to an abortion.
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