Jan. 18. 1803
In this secret message of January 18, 1803, President Jefferson asked
Congress for $2,500 to explore the West—-all the way to the Pacific
Ocean. At the time, the territory did not belong to the United
States. Congress agreed to fund the expedition that would be led by
Meriwether Lewis and William Clark. print-friendly version
The modesty of the request, couched principally in terms of promoting
commerce, belied the grandeur of the vision behind it. Jefferson had
long been fascinated with the West and dreamed of a United States that
would stretch across the entire continent.
Jefferson instructed Meriwether Lewis, who commanded the expedition
jointly with William Clark, to seek new trade routes, to befriend the
western tribes of Indians, and to report on the geography, geology,
astronomy, zoology, botany, and climate of the West. The 8,000-mile
expedition provided the U.S. Government with its first glimpse of the
vast lands that lay west of the Mississippi River.
President Jefferson worked closely with Meriwether Lewis to ensure
that he was well prepared—anticipating what the party would need in
the way of arms, food, medicines, camping gear, scientific
instruments, and presents for the Indians. They planned well. While
the expedition ran out of such luxuries as whiskey, tobacco, and salt,
they never ran out of rifles and powder, needed both for self-defense
and food supply—and they never ran out of ink and paper, needed to
record their findings.
For more information and other documents from the Lewis and Clark
expedition, visit the Expansion and Reform section of the National
Archives' American Originals exhibition.
(Information excerpted from Stacey Bredhoff, American Originals
[Seattle: The University of Washington Press, 2001], p. 28.)
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
As the continuance of the act for establishing trading houses with the
Indian tribes will be under the consideration of the Legislature at its
present session, I think it my duty to communicate the views which have
guided me in the execution of that act, in order that you may decide
on the policy of continuing it in the present or any other form, or
discontinue it altogether if that shall, on the whole, seem most for
the public good.
The Indian tribes residing within the limits of the United States
have for a considerable time been growing more and more uneasy at the
constant diminution of the territory they occupy, although effected by
their own voluntary sales, and the policy has long been gaining strength
with them of refusing absolutely all further sale on any conditions,
insomuch that at this time it hazards their friendship and excites
dangerous jealousies and perturbations in their minds to make any
overture for the purchase of the smallest portions of their land. A
very few tribes only are not yet obstinately in these dispositions. In
order peaceably to counteract this policy of theirs and to provide an
extension of territory which the rapid increase of our numbers will call
for, two measures are deemed expedient. First. To encourage them to
abandon hunting, to apply to the raising stock, to agriculture, and
domestic manufacture, and thereby prove to themselves that less land and
labor will maintain them in this better than in their former mode of
living. The extensive forests necessary in the hunting life will then
become useless, and they will see advantage in exchanging them for
the means of improving their farms and of increasing their domestic
comforts. Secondly. To multiply trading houses among them, and place
within their reach those things which will contribute more to their
domestic comfort than the possession of extensive but uncultivated
wilds. Experience and reflection will develop to them the wisdom of
exchanging what they can spare and we want for what we can spare and
they want. In leading them thus to agriculture, to manufactures, and
civilization; in bringing together their and our sentiments, and
in preparing them ultimately to participate in the benefits of our
Government, I trust and believe we are acting for their greatest good.
At these trading houses we have pursued the principles of the act of
Congress which directs that the commerce shall be carried on liberally,
and requires only that the capital stock shall not be diminished. We
consequently undersell private traders, foreign and domestic, drive them
from the competition, and thus, with the good will of the Indians, rid
ourselves of a description of men who are constantly endeavoring to
excite in the Indian mind suspicions, fears, and irritations toward us.
A letter now inclosed shows the effect of our competition on the
operations of the traders, while the Indians, perceiving the advantage
of purchasing from us, are soliciting generally our establishment
of trading houses among them. In one quarter this is particularly
interesting. The legislature, reflecting on the late occurrences on
the Mississippi, must be sensible how desirable it is to possess a
respectable breadth of country on that river, from our southern limit to
the Illinois, at least, so that we may present as firm a front on that
as on our eastern border. We possess what is below the Yazoo, and can
probably acquire a certain breadth from the Illinois and Wabash to the
Ohio; but between the Ohio and Yazoo the country all belongs to the
Chickasaws, the most friendly tribe within our limits, but the most
decided against the alienation of lands. The portion of their country
most important for us is exactly that which they do not inhabit. Their
settlements are not on the Mississippi, but in the interior country.
They have lately shown a desire to become agricultural, and this leads
to the desire of buying implements and comforts. In the strengthening
and gratifying of these wants I see the only prospect of planting on the
Mississippi itself the means of its own safety. Duty has required me to
submit these views to the judgment of the Legislature, but as their
disclosure might embarrass and defeat their effect, they are committed
to the special confidence of the two Houses.
While the extension of the public commerce among the Indian tribes may
deprive of that source of profit such of our citizens as are engaged
in it, it might be worthy the attention of Congress in their care of
individual as well as of the general interest to point in another
direction the enterprise of these citizens, as profitably for themselves
and more usefully for the public. The river Missouri and the Indians
inhabiting it are not as well known as is rendered desirable by their
connection with the Mississippi, and consequently with us. It is,
however, understood that the country on that river is inhabited by
numerous tribes, who furnish great supplies of furs and peltry to the
trade of another nation, carried on in a high latitude through an
infinite number of portages and lakes shut up by ice through a long
season. The commerce on that line could bear no competition with that of
the Missouri, traversing a moderate climate, offering, according to the
best accounts, a continued navigation from its source, and possibly with
a single portage from the Western Ocean, and finding to the Atlantic a
choice of channels through the Illinois or Wabash, the Lakes and Hudson,
through the Ohio and Susquehanna, or Potomac or James rivers, and
through the Tennessee and Savannah rivers. An intelligent officer,
with ten or twelve chosen men, fit for the enterprise and willing to
undertake it, taken from our posts where they may be spared without
inconvenience, might explore the whole line, even to the Western
Ocean, have conferences with the natives on the subject of commercial
intercourse, get admission among them for our traders as others are
admitted, agree on convenient deposits for an interchange of articles,
and return with the information acquired in the course of two summers.
Their arms and accouterments, some instruments of observation, and light
and cheap presents for the Indians would be all the apparatus they could
carry, and with an expectation of a soldier's portion of land on their
return would constitute the whole expense. Their pay would be going on
whether here or there. While other civilized nations have encountered
great expense to enlarge the boundaries of knowledge by undertaking
voyages of discovery, and for other literary purposes, in various parts
and directions, our nation seems to owe to the same object, as well
as to its own interests, to explore this the only line of easy
communication across the continent, and so directly traversing our own
part of it. The interests of commerce place the principal object within
the constitutional powers and care of Congress, and that it should
incidentally advance the geographical knowledge of our own continent
can not but be an additional gratification. The nation claiming the
territory, regarding this as a literary pursuit, which it is in the
habit of permitting within its dominions, would not be disposed to view
it with jealousy, even if the expiring state of its interests there did
not render it a matter of indifference. The appropriation of $2,500 "for
the purpose of extending the external commerce of the United States,"
while understood and considered by the Executive as giving the
legislative sanction, would cover the undertaking from notice and
prevent the obstructions which interested individuals might otherwise
previously prepare in its way.
—Th. Jefferson.
Source:
A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents
Section 3 (of 4) of Volume 1: Thomas Jefferson
http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/0/8/9/10893/10893.txt
