James Monroe
Second Inaugural Address
Monday, March 5, 1821
Fellow-Citizens:
I SHALL not attempt to describe the grateful emotions which the new and
very distinguished proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens,
evinced by my reelection to this high trust, has excited in my bosom.
The approbation which it announces of my conduct in the preceding term
affords me a consolation which I shall profoundly feel through life.
The general accord with which it has been expressed adds to the great
and never-ceasing obligations which it imposes. To merit the
continuance of this good opinion, and to carry it with me into my
retirement as the solace of advancing years, will be the object of my
most zealous and unceasing efforts.
Having no pretensions to the high and commanding claims of my
predecessors, whose names are so much more conspicuously identified
with our Revolution, and who contributed so preeminently to promote its
success, I consider myself rather as the instrument than the cause of
the union which has prevailed in the late election. In surmounting, in
favor of my humble pretensions, the difficulties which so often produce
division in like occurrences, it is obvious that other powerful causes,
indicating the great strength and stability of our Union, have
essentially contributed to draw you together. That these powerful
causes exist, and that they are permanent, is my fixed opinion; that
they may produce a like accord in all questions touching, however
remotely, the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of our country will
always be the object of my most fervent prayers to the Supreme Author
of All Good.
In a government which is founded by the people, who possess exclusively
the sovereignty, it seems proper that the person who may be placed by
their suffrages in this high trust should declare on commencing its
duties the principles on which he intends to conduct the
Administration. If the person thus elected has served the preceding
term, an opportunity is afforded him to review its principal
occurrences and to give such further explanation respecting them as in
his judgment may be useful to his constituents. The events of one year
have influence on those of another, and, in like manner, of a preceding
on the succeeding Administration. The movements of a great nation are
connected in all their parts. If errors have been committed they ought
to be corrected; if the policy is sound it ought to be supported. It is
by a thorough knowledge of the whole subject that our fellow-citizens
are enabled to judge correctly of the past and to give a proper
direction to the future.
Just before the commencement of the last term the United States had
concluded a war with a very powerful nation on conditions equal and
honorable to both parties. The events of that war are too recent and
too deeply impressed on the memory of all to require a development from
me. Our commerce had been in a great measure driven from the sea, our
Atlantic and inland frontiers were invaded in almost every part; the
waste of life along our coast and on some parts of our inland
frontiers, to the defense of which our gallant and patriotic citizens
were called, was immense, in addition to which not less than
$120,000,000 were added at its end to the public debt.
As soon as the war had terminated, the nation, admonished by its
events, resolved to place itself in a situation which should be better
calculated to prevent the recurrence of a like evil, and, in case it
should recur, to mitigate its calamities. With this view, after
reducing our land force to the basis of a peace establishment, which
has been further modified since, provision was made for the
construction of fortifications at proper points through the whole
extent of our coast and such an augmentation of our naval force as
should be well adapted to both purposes. The laws making this provision
were passed in 1815 and 1816, and it has been since the constant effort
of the Executive to carry them into effect.
The advantage of these fortifications and of an augmented naval force
in the extent contemplated, in a point of economy, has been fully
illustrated by a report of the Board of Engineers and Naval
Commissioners lately communicated to Congress, by which it appears that
in an invasion by 20,000 men, with a correspondent naval force, in a
campaign of six months only, the whole expense of the construction of
the works would be defrayed by the difference in the sum necessary to
maintain the force which would be adequate to our defense with the aid
of those works and that which would be incurred without them. The
reason of this difference is obvious. If fortifications are judiciously
placed on our great inlets, as distant from our cities as circumstances
will permit, they will form the only points of attack, and the enemy
will be detained there by a small regular force a sufficient time to
enable our militia to collect and repair to that on which the attack is
made. A force adequate to the enemy, collected at that single point,
with suitable preparation for such others as might be menaced, is all
that would be requisite. But if there were no fortifications, then the
enemy might go where he pleased, and, changing his position and sailing
from place to place, our force must be called out and spread in vast
numbers along the whole coast and on both sides of every bay and river
as high up in each as it might be navigable for ships of war. By these
fortifications, supported by our Navy, to which they would afford like
support, we should present to other powers an armed front from St.
Croix to the Sabine, which would protect in the event of war our whole
coast and interior from invasion; and even in the wars of other powers,
in which we were neutral, they would be found eminently useful, as, by
keeping their public ships at a distance from our cities, peace and
order in them would be preserved and the Government be protected from
insult.
It need scarcely be remarked that these measures have not been resorted
to in a spirit of hostility to other powers. Such a disposition does
not exist toward any power. Peace and good will have been, and will
hereafter be, cultivated with all, and by the most faithful regard to
justice. They have been dictated by a love of peace, of economy, and an
earnest desire to save the lives of our fellow-citizens from that
destruction and our country from that devastation which are inseparable
from war when it finds us unprepared for it. It is believed, and
experience has shown, that such a preparation is the best expedient
that can be resorted to prevent war. I add with much pleasure that
considerable progress has already been made in these measures of
defense, and that they will be completed in a few years, considering
the great extent and importance of the object, if the plan be zealously
and steadily persevered in.
The conduct of the Government in what relates to foreign powers is
always an object of the highest importance to the nation. Its
agriculture, commerce, manufactures, fisheries, revenue, in short, its
peace, may all be affected by it. Attention is therefore due to this
subject.
At the period adverted to the powers of Europe, after having been
engaged in long and destructive wars with each other, had concluded a
peace, which happily still exists. Our peace with the power with whom
we had been engaged had also been concluded. The war between Spain and
the colonies in South America, which had commenced many years before,
was then the only conflict that remained unsettled. This being a
contest between different parts of the same community, in which other
powers had not interfered, was not affected by their accommodations.
This contest was considered at an early stage by my predecessor a civil
war in which the parties were entitled to equal rights in our ports.
This decision, the first made by any power, being formed on great
consideration of the comparative strength and resources of the parties,
the length of time, and successful opposition made by the colonies, and
of all other circumstances on which it ought to depend, was in strict
accord with the law of nations. Congress has invariably acted on this
principle, having made no change in our relations with either party.
Our attitude has therefore been that of neutrality between them, which
has been maintained by the Government with the strictest impartiality.
No aid has been afforded to either, nor has any privilege been enjoyed
by the one which has not been equally open to the other party, and
every exertion has been made in its power to enforce the execution of
the laws prohibiting illegal equipments with equal rigor against both.
By this equality between the parties their public vessels have been
received in our ports on the same footing; they have enjoyed an equal
right to purchase and export arms, munitions of war, and every other
supply, the exportation of all articles whatever being permitted under
laws which were passed long before the commencement of the contest; our
citizens have traded equally with both, and their commerce with each
has been alike protected by the Government.
Respecting the attitude which it may be proper for the United States to
maintain hereafter between the parties, I have no hesitation in stating
it as my opinion that the neutrality heretofore observed should still
be adhered to. From the change in the Government of Spain and the
negotiation now depending, invited by the Cortes and accepted by the
colonies, it may be presumed, that their differences will be settled on
the terms proposed by the colonies. Should the war be continued, the
United States, regarding its occurrences, will always have it in their
power to adopt such measures respecting it as their honor and interest
may require.
Shortly after the general peace a band of adventurers took advantage of
this conflict and of the facility which it afforded to establish a
system of buccaneering in the neighboring seas, to the great annoyance
of the commerce of the United States, and, as was represented, of that
of other powers. Of this spirit and of its injurious bearing on the
United States strong proofs were afforded by the establishment at
Amelia Island, and the purposes to which it was made instrumental by
this band in 1817, and by the occurrences which took place in other
parts of Florida in 1818, the details of which in both instances are
too well known to require to be now recited. I am satisfied had a less
decisive course been adopted that the worst consequences would have
resulted from it. We have seen that these checks, decisive as they
were, were not sufficient to crush that piratical spirit. Many culprits
brought within our limits have been condemned to suffer death, the
punishment due to that atrocious crime. The decisions of upright and
enlightened tribunals fall equally on all whose crimes subject them, by
a fair interpretation of the law, to its censure. It belongs to the
Executive not to suffer the executions under these decisions to
transcend the great purpose for which punishment is necessary. The full
benefit of example being secured, policy as well as humanity equally
forbids that they should be carried further. I have acted on this
principle, pardoning those who appear to have been led astray by
ignorance of the criminality of the acts they had committed, and
suffering the law to take effect on those only in whose favor no
extenuating circumstances could be urged.
Great confidence is entertained that the late treaty with Spain, which
has been ratified by both the parties, and the ratifications whereof
have been exchanged, has placed the relations of the two countries on a
basis of permanent friendship. The provision made by it for such of our
citizens as have claims on Spain of the character described will, it is
presumed, be very satisfactory to them, and the boundary which is
established between the territories of the parties westward of the
Mississippi, heretofore in dispute, has, it is thought, been settled on
conditions just and advantageous to both. But to the acquisition of
Florida too much importance can not be attached. It secures to the
United States a territory important in itself, and whose importance is
much increased by its bearing on many of the highest interests of the
Union. It opens to several of the neighboring States a free passage to
the ocean, through the Province ceded, by several rivers, having their
sources high up within their limits. It secures us against all future
annoyance from powerful Indian tribes. It gives us several excellent
harbors in the Gulf of Mexico for ships of war of the largest size. It
covers by its position in the Gulf the Mississippi and other great
waters within our extended limits, and thereby enables the United
States to afford complete protection to the vast and very valuable
productions of our whole Western country, which find a market through
those streams.
By a treaty with the British Government, bearing date on the 20th of
October, 1818, the convention regulating the commerce between the
United States and Great Britain, concluded on the 3d of July, 1815,
which was about expiring, was revived and continued for the term of ten
years from the time of its expiration. By that treaty, also, the
differences which had arisen under the treaty of Ghent respecting the
right claimed by the United States for their citizens to take and cure
fish on the coast of His Britannic Majesty's dominions in America, with
other differences on important interests, were adjusted to the
satisfaction of both parties. No agreement has yet been entered into
respecting the commerce between the United States and the British
dominions in the West Indies and on this continent. The restraints
imposed on that commerce by Great Britain, and reciprocated by the
United States on a principle of defense, continue still in force.
The negotiation with France for the regulation of the commercial
relations between the two countries, which in the course of the last
summer had been commenced at Paris, has since been transferred to this
city, and will be pursued on the part of the United States in the
spirit of conciliation, and with an earnest desire that it may
terminate in an arrangement satisfactory to both parties.
Our relations with the Barbary Powers are preserved in the same state
and by the same means that were employed when I came into this office.
As early as 1801 it was found necessary to send a squadron into the
Mediterranean for the protection of our commerce, and no period has
intervened, a short term excepted, when it was thought advisable to
withdraw it. The great interests which the United States have in the
Pacific, in commerce and in the fisheries, have also made it necessary
to maintain a naval force there. In disposing of this force in both
instances the most effectual measures in our power have been taken,
without interfering with its other duties, for the suppression of the
slave trade and of piracy in the neighboring seas.
The situation of the United States in regard to their resources, the
extent of their revenue, and the facility with which it is raised
affords a most gratifying spectacle. The payment of nearly $67,000,000
of the public debt, with the great progress made in measures of defense
and in other improvements of various kinds since the late war, are
conclusive proofs of this extraordinary prosperity, especially when it
is recollected that these expenditures have been defrayed without a
burthen on the people, the direct tax and excise having been repealed
soon after the conclusion of the late war, and the revenue applied to
these great objects having been raised in a manner not to be felt. Our
great resources therefore remain untouched for any purpose which may
affect the vital interests of the nation. For all such purposes they
are inexhaustible. They are more especially to be found in the virtue,
patriotism, and intelligence of our fellow-citizens, and in the
devotion with which they would yield up by any just measure of taxation
all their property in support of the rights and honor of their country.
Under the present depression of prices, affecting all the productions
of the country and every branch of industry, proceeding from causes
explained on a former occasion, the revenue has considerably
diminished, the effect of which has been to compel Congress either to
abandon these great measures of defense or to resort to loans or
internal taxes to supply the deficiency. On the presumption that this
depression and the deficiency in the revenue arising from it would be
temporary, loans were authorized for the demands of the last and
present year. Anxious to relieve my fellow-citizens in 1817 from every
burthen which could be dispensed with, and the state of the Treasury
permitting it, I recommended the repeal of the internal taxes, knowing
that such relief was then peculiarly necessary in consequence of the
great exertions made in the late war. I made that recommendation under
a pledge that should the public exigencies require a recurrence to them
at any time while I remained in this trust, I would with equal
promptitude perform the duty which would then be alike incumbent on me.
By the experiment now making it will be seen by the next session of
Congress whether the revenue shall have been so augmented as to be
adequate to all these necessary purposes. Should the deficiency still
continue, and especially should it be probable that it would be
permanent, the course to be pursued appears to me to be obvious. I am
satisfied that under certain circumstances loans may be resorted to
with great advantage. I am equally well satisfied, as a general rule,
that the demands of the current year, especially in time of peace,
should be provided for by the revenue of that year.
I have never dreaded, nor have I ever shunned, in any situation in
which I have been placed making appeals to the virtue and patriotism of
my fellow-citizens, well knowing that they could never be made in vain,
especially in times of great emergency or for purposes of high national
importance. Independently of the exigency of the case, many
considerations of great weight urge a policy having in view a provision
of revenue to meet to a certain extent the demands of the nation,
without relying altogether on the precarious resource of foreign
commerce. I am satisfied that internal duties and excises, with
corresponding imposts on foreign articles of the same kind, would,
without imposing any serious burdens on the people, enhance the price
of produce, promote our manufactures, and augment the revenue, at the
same time that they made it more secure and permanent.
The care of the Indian tribes within our limits has long been an
essential part of our system, but, unfortunately, it has not been
executed in a manner to accomplish all the objects intended by it. We
have treated them as independent nations, without their having any
substantial pretensions to that rank. The distinction has flattered
their pride, retarded their improvement, and in many instances paved
the way to their destruction. The progress of our settlements westward,
supported as they are by a dense population, has constantly driven them
back, with almost the total sacrifice of the lands which they have been
compelled to abandon. They have claims on the magnanimity and, I may
add, on the justice of this nation which we must all feel. We should
become their real benefactors; we should perform the office of their
Great Father, the endearing title which they emphatically give to the
Chief Magistrate of our Union. Their sovereignty over vast territories
should cease, in lieu of which the right of soil should be secured to
each individual and his posterity in competent portions; and for the
territory thus ceded by each tribe some reasonable equivalent should be
granted, to be vested in permanent funds for the support of civil
government over them and for the education of their children, for their
instruction in the arts of husbandry, and to provide sustenance for
them until they could provide it for themselves. My earnest hope is
that Congress will digest some plan, founded on these principles, with
such improvements as their wisdom may suggest, and carry it into effect
as soon as it may be practicable.
Europe is again unsettled and the prospect of war increasing. Should
the flame light up in any quarter, how far it may extend it is
impossible to foresee. It is our peculiar felicity to be altogether
unconnected with the causes which produce this menacing aspect
elsewhere. With every power we are in perfect amity, and it is our
interest to remain so if it be practicable on just conditions. I see no
reasonable cause to apprehend variance with any power, unless it
proceed from a violation of our maritime rights. In these contests,
should they occur, and to whatever extent they may be carried, we shall
be neutral; but as a neutral power we have rights which it is our duty
to maintain. For like injuries it will be incumbent on us to seek
redress in a spirit of amity, in full confidence that, injuring none,
none would knowingly injure us. For more imminent dangers we should be
prepared, and it should always be recollected that such preparation
adapted to the circumstances and sanctioned by the judgment and wishes
of our constituents can not fail to have a good effect in averting
dangers of every kind. We should recollect also that the season of
peace is best adapted to these preparations.
If we turn our attention, fellow-citizens, more immediately to the
internal concerns of our country, and more especially to those on which
its future welfare depends, we have every reason to anticipate the
happiest results. It is now rather more than forty-four years since we
declared our independence, and thirty-seven since it was acknowledged.
The talents and virtues which were displayed in that great struggle
were a sure presage of all that has since followed. A people who were
able to surmount in their infant state such great perils would be more
competent as they rose into manhood to repel any which they might meet
in their progress. Their physical strength would be more adequate to
foreign danger, and the practice of self-government, aided by the light
of experience, could not fail to produce an effect equally salutary on
all those questions connected with the internal organization. These
favorable anticipations have been realized.
In our whole system, national and State, we have shunned all the
defects which unceasingly preyed on the vitals and destroyed the
ancient Republics. In them there were distinct orders, a nobility and a
people, or the people governed in one assembly. Thus, in the one
instance there was a perpetual conflict between the orders in society
for the ascendency, in which the victory of either terminated in the
overthrow of the government and the ruin of the state; in the other, in
which the people governed in a body, and whose dominions seldom
exceeded the dimensions of a county in one of our States, a tumultuous
and disorderly movement permitted only a transitory existence. In this
great nation there is but one order, that of the people, whose power,
by a peculiarly happy improvement of the representative principle, is
transferred from them, without impairing in the slightest degree their
sovereignty, to bodies of their own creation, and to persons elected by
themselves, in the full extent necessary for all the purposes of free,
enlightened and efficient government. The whole system is elective, the
complete sovereignty being in the people, and every officer in every
department deriving his authority from and being responsible to them
for his conduct.
Our career has corresponded with this great outline. Perfection in our
organization could not have been expected in the outset either in the
National or State Governments or in tracing the line between their
respective powers. But no serious conflict has arisen, nor any contest
but such as are managed by argument and by a fair appeal to the good
sense of the people, and many of the defects which experience had
clearly demonstrated in both Governments have been remedied. By
steadily pursuing this course in this spirit there is every reason to
believe that our system will soon attain the highest degree of
perfection of which human institutions are capable, and that the
movement in all its branches will exhibit such a degree of order and
harmony as to command the admiration and respect of the civilized world.
Our physical attainments have not been less eminent. Twenty-five years
ago the river Mississippi was shut up and our Western brethren had no
outlet for their commerce. What has been the progress since that time?
The river has not only become the property of the United States from
its source to the ocean, with all its tributary streams (with the
exception of the upper part of the Red River only), but Louisiana, with
a fair and liberal boundary on the western side and the Floridas on the
eastern, have been ceded to us. The United States now enjoy the
complete and uninterrupted sovereignty over the whole territory from
St. Croix to the Sabine. New States, settled from among ourselves in
this and in other parts, have been admitted into our Union in equal
participation in the national sovereignty with the original States. Our
population has augmented in an astonishing degree and extended in every
direction. We now, fellow-citizens, comprise within our limits the
dimensions and faculties of a great power under a Government possessing
all the energies of any government ever known to the Old World, with an
utter incapacity to oppress the people.
Entering with these views the office which I have just solemnly sworn
to execute with fidelity and to the utmost of my ability, I derive
great satisfaction from a knowledge that I shall be assisted in the
several Departments by the very enlightened and upright citizens from
whom I have received so much aid in the preceding term. With full
confidence in the continuance of that candor and generous indulgence
from my fellow-citizens at large which I have heretofore experienced,
and with a firm reliance on the protection of Almighty God, I shall
forthwith commence the duties of the high trust to which you have
called me.
