Ulysses S. Grant
Second Inaugural Address
Tuesday, March 4, 1873
Fellow-Citizens:
UNDER Providence I have been called a second time to act as Executive
over this great nation. It has been my endeavor in the past to maintain
all the laws, and, so far as lay in my power, to act for the best
interests of the whole people. My best efforts will be given in the
same direction in the future, aided, I trust, by my four years'
experience in the office.
When my first term of the office of Chief Executive began, the country
had not recovered from the effects of a great internal revolution, and
three of the former States of the Union had not been restored to their
Federal relations.
It seemed to me wise that no new questions should be raised so long as
that condition of affairs existed. Therefore the past four years, so
far as I could control events, have been consumed in the effort to
restore harmony, public credit, commerce, and all the arts of peace and
progress. It is my firm conviction that the civilized world is tending
toward republicanism, or government by the people through their chosen
representatives, and that our own great Republic is destined to be the
guiding star to all others.
Under our Republic we support an army less than that of any European
power of any standing and a navy less than that of either of at least
five of them. There could be no extension of territory on the continent
which would call for an increase of this force, but rather might such
extension enable us to diminish it.
The theory of government changes with general progress. Now that the
telegraph is made available for communicating thought, together with
rapid transit by steam, all parts of a continent are made contiguous
for all purposes of government, and communication between the extreme
limits of the country made easier than it was throughout the old
thirteen States at the beginning of our national existence.
The effects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave and
make him a citizen. Yet he is not possessed of the civil rights which
citizenship should carry with it. This is wrong, and should be
corrected. To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive
influence can avail.
Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor shall I ask
that anything be done to advance the social status of the colored man,
except to give him a fair chance to develop what there is good in him,
give him access to the schools, and when he travels let him feel
assured that his conduct will regulate the treatment and fare he will
receive.
The States lately at war with the General Government are now happily
rehabilitated, and no Executive control is exercised in any one of them
that would not be exercised in any other State under like circumstances.
In the first year of the past Administration the proposition came up
for the admission of Santo Domingo as a Territory of the Union. It was
not a question of my seeking, but was a proposition from the people of
Santo Domingo, and which I entertained. I believe now, as I did then,
that it was for the best interest of this country, for the people of
Santo Domingo, and all concerned that the proposition should be
received favorably. It was, however, rejected constitutionally, and
therefore the subject was never brought up again by me.
In future, while I hold my present office, the subject of acquisition
of territory must have the support of the people before I will
recommend any proposition looking to such acquisition. I say here,
however, that I do not share in the apprehension held by many as to the
danger of governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of
their extension of territory. Commerce, education, and rapid transit of
thought and matter by telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather
do I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world, in His own
good time, to become one nation, speaking one language, and when armies
and navies will be no longer required.
My efforts in the future will be directed to the restoration of good
feeling between the different sections of our common country; to the
restoration of our currency to a fixed value as compared with the
world's standard of values - gold - and, if possible, to a par with it;
to the construction of cheap routes of transit throughout the land, to
the end that the products of all may find a market and leave a living
remuneration to the producer; to the maintenance of friendly relations
with all our neighbors and with distant nations; to the reestablishment
of our commerce and share in the carrying trade upon the ocean; to the
encouragement of such manufacturing industries as can be economically
pursued in this country, to the end that the exports of home products
and industries may pay for our imports - the only sure method of
returning to and permanently maintaining a specie basis; to the
elevation of labor; and, by a humane course, to bring the aborigines of
the country under the benign influences of education and civilization.
It is either this or war of extermination: Wars of extermination,
engaged in by people pursuing commerce and all industrial pursuits, are
expensive even against the weakest people, and are demoralizing and
wicked. Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization
should make us lenient toward the Indian. The wrong inflicted upon him
should be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit. The
moral view of the question should be considered and the question asked,
Can not the Indian be made a useful and productive member of society by
proper teaching and treatment? If the effort is made in good faith, we
will stand better before the civilized nations of the earth and in our
own consciences for having made it.
All these things are not to be accomplished by one individual, but they
will receive my support and such recommendations to Congress as will in
my judgment best serve to carry them into effect. I beg your support
and encouragement.
It has been, and is, my earnest desire to correct abuses that have
grown up in the civil service of the country. To secure this
reformation rules regulating methods of appointment and promotions were
established and have been tried. My efforts for such reformation shall
be continued to the best of my judgment. The spirit of the rules
adopted will be maintained.
I acknowledge before this assemblage, representing, as it does, every
section of our country, the obligation I am under to my countrymen for
the great honor they have conferred on me by returning me to the
highest office within their gift, and the further obligation resting on
me to render to them the best services within my power. This I promise,
looking forward with the greatest anxiety to the day when I shall be
released from responsibilities that at times are almost overwhelming,
and from which I have scarcely had a respite since the eventful firing
upon Fort Sumter, in April, 1861, to the present day. My services were
then tendered and accepted under the first call for troops growing out
of that event.
I did not ask for place or position, and was entirely without influence
or the acquaintance of persons of influence, but was resolved to
perform my part in a struggle threatening the very existence of the
nation. I performed a conscientious duty, without asking promotion or
command, and without a revengeful feeling toward any section or
individual.
Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my candidacy for my
present office in 1868 to the close of the last Presidential campaign,
I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in
political history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard
in view of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication.
