To the Massachusetts Convention.
Gentlemen,
That the new system, proposed for your adoption, is not founded in
argument, but in party spirit, is evident from the whole behaviour of
that party, who favour it. The following is a short, but genuine
specimen of their reasoning. The South-Carolina legislature have
established an unequal representation, and will not alter it:
therefore Congress should be invested with an unrestrained power to
alter the time, manner and place of electing members into that body.
Directly the contrary position should have been inferred. An elected
assembly made an improper use of their right to controul elections.
therefore such a right ought not to be lodged with them. It will be
abused in ten instances, for one in which it will serve any valuable
purpose. It is said also that the Rhode Island assembly intend to
abuse their power in this respect, therefore we should put Congress in
a situation to abuse theirs. Surely this is not a kind of reasoning
that, in the opinion of any indifferent person. can vindicate the
fourth section. Yet we have heard it publickly advanced as being
conclusive.
The unlimited power over trade, domestick as well as foreign, is
another power that will more probably be applied to a bad than to a
good purpose. That our trade was for the last year much in favour of
the commonwealth is agreed by all parties. The freedom that every man,
whether his capital is large or small, enjoys, of entering into any
branch that pleases him, rouses a spirit of industry and exertion,
that is friendly to commerce. It prevents that stagnation of business
which generally precedes publick commotions. Nothing ought to be done
to restrain this spirit. The unlimited power over trade, however, is
exceedingly apt to injure it.
In most countries of Europe, trade has been confined by exclusive
charters. Exclusive companies are, in trade, pretty much like an
aristocracy in government. and produce nearly as bad effects. An
instance of it we have ourselves experienced. Before the revolution,
we carried on no direct trade to India. The goods imported from that
country, came to us through the medium of an exclusive company. Our
trade in that quarter is now respectable, and we receive several kinds
of their goods at about half the former price.ÐÐBut the evil of
such companies does not terminate there. They always, by the greatness
of their capital, have an undue influence on the government.
In a republick, we ought to guard, as much as possible, against the
predominance of any particular interest. It is the object of
government to protect them all. When commerce is left to take its own
course, the advantages of every class will be nearly equal.—But when
exclusive privileges are given to any class, it will operate to the
weakening of some other class connected with them.
Agrippa.
(Remainder next Tuesday.)
