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 IraqWar Does Little to Improve Infrastructure or Security in IraqThe turmoil and violence in Iraq increased
throughout 2004. Civilians, Iraqi security forces, foreign workers, and
coalition soldiers were subject to suicide bombings, kidnappings, and
beheadings. By April, a number of separate uprisings had spread
throughout the Sunni triangle and in the Shiite-dominated south. In
September alone there were 2,300 attacks by insurgents. In October, U.S.
officials estimated there were between 8,000 and 12,000 hard-core
insurgents and more than 20,000 “active sympathizers.” Loosely
divided into Baathists, nationalists, and Islamists, all but about 1,000
were thought to be indigenous fighters.
Reconstruction efforts, hampered by bureaucracy
and security concerns, had also fallen far short of U.S. expectations: by
September, just 6% ($1 billion) of the reconstruction money approved by
the U.S. Congress in 2003 had in fact been used. Electricity and clean
water were below prewar levels, and half of Iraq's employable population
was still without work. In April, the U.S. reversed its policy of banning
Baath Party officials from positions of responsibility—the U.S. had previously
fired all high-ranking members and disbanded the Iraqi army, affecting
about 400,000 positions, depleting Iraq of its skilled workforce, and
further embittering the Sunni population.
In late April, the physical and sexual abuse and
humiliation of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad came to
light when photographs were released by the U.S. media. The images sparked
outrage around the world. In August, the Schlesinger report's
investigation into Abu Ghraib (the furthest reaching of many
Pentagon-sponsored reports on the subject) called the prisoner abuse acts
of “brutality and purposeless sadism,” rejected the idea that
the abuse was simply the work of a few aberrant soldiers, and asserted
that there were “fundamental failures throughout all levels of
command, from the soldiers on the ground to Central Command and to the
Pentagon.”
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